American Sociological Association

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  1. Cracking the Black Box: Capturing the Role of Expectation States in Status Processes

    A fundamental task for sociology is to uncover the mechanisms that produce and reproduce social inequalities. While status characteristics theory is the favored account of how social status contributes independently to the maintenance of inequality, it hinges on an unobserved construct, expectation states, in the middle of the causal chain between status and behavior. Efforts to test the mediation mechanism have been complicated by the implicit, often unconscious, nature of status expectations.
  2. Producing Facts in a World of Alternatives: Why Journalism Matters and Why It Could Matter More

    In a time of shrinking newsrooms, newspaper closings, fake news, alternative facts and outrage, and incursion from outsiders, why does professional journalism matter anymore? How can journalists, looking to defend their profession and the news they produce, claim authority over truth and fact? Michael Schudson engages these questions in Why Journalism Still Matters, a collection of writings on the value of today’s journalism for today’s democracy.
  3. Aggression, Conflict, and the Formation of Intimidating Group Reputation

    From inmates in prison gangs to soldiers in elite units, the intimidating reputation of groups often precedes its members. While individual reputation is known to affect people’s aggressiveness, whether one’s group reputation can similarly influence behavior in conflict situations is yet to be established. Using an economic game experiment, we isolate the effect of group reputation on aggression and conflict from that of individual reputation.
  4. Do People in Conservative States Really Watch More Porn? A Hierarchical Analysis

    Recent studies have found that state-level religious and political conservatism is positively associated with various aggregate indicators of interest in pornography. Such studies have been limited, however, in that they either did not include data measuring actual consumption patterns and/or did not include data on individuals (risking the ecological fallacy). This study overcomes both limitations by incorporating state-level data with individual-level data and a measure of pornography consumption from a large nationally representative survey.

  5. Gender in the One Percent

    Those in the top 1% of the U.S. income distribution control the majority of financial resources and political power. This means that a small group of homogenous men likely exercise the majority of corporate and political power associated with economic elites.
  6. Sociology in Congress

    Josh McCabe interviews Scott Winship, sociologist and the Executive Director of the Joint Economic Committee in the United States Congress.
  7. Culture of Fear and the Presidential Scare

    In the current edition of the book, The Culture of Fear, many of the new chapters to the Fearmonger-in-Chief, Donald Trump.
  8. Reenvisioning Pay for Play

    California recently passed the Fair Pay to Play Act, allowing college athletes to be paid for endorsements, making income off of their likeness. While many people are heralding this bill, we propose that sports revenue could be used to decrease the racial education gap in the local communities that are often preyed upon by elite sports programs.
  9. American Inequality in the Long Run

    Can this theory explain why inequality is growing in the United States? Piketty asserted that his theory was best tested with data from France, whose history was, he argued, “more typical and more pertinent for understanding the future” than the historical experience of the United States (p. 29). Nevertheless, and no doubt because Capital in the Twenty-First Century sold so many copies, some university publishers in recent years have been willing to gamble on big, dry books of historical inequality statistics that purport to test his arguments against American data.
  10. Trump Supporters and the Boundaries of the “I”

    After Donald Trump’s victory in the 2016 election, Democrats’ handwringing centered first on the woes of the white working class. Displaced from jobs that had offered decent pay and a modicum of self-respect and unheard by mainstream politicians, the argument ran, working-class voters turned to Trump in the vain hope that he would restore their economic fortunes. The diagnosis was compelling, but it soon ran aground on new analyses of Trump’s electoral base. The people who voted for Trump were white, yes, but many were middle-class.